现在，请允许我来为大家详细解释一下WISDOM美国留学费用的问题，希望我的回答能够帮助到大家。关于WISDOM美国留学费用的讨论，我们正式开始。

文章目录列表:

1.美国宪法保护哪些私权利？
2.跟着老友记Friends学英语--(3)
3.visiton音箱是美国的吗
4.美国圣路易斯华盛顿大学有哪些热门专业

美国宪法保护哪些私权利？

不知道是不是需要用英语回答？

美国宪法保护的私权利多了。

隐私权……

宪法是一个框架，不能枚举啊~~~~

还是看看宪法原文。

美国宪法（中文）

本文网址：/faxuejieti/jd/200502/20050203215123.htm

The Federalist No. 10

The Utility of the Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection (continued)

Daily Advertiser

Thursday, November 22, 1787

[James Madison]

To the People of the State of New York:

AMONG the numerous advantages promised by a well constructed Union, none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. The friend of popular governments never finds himself so much alarmed for their character and fate, as when he contemplates their propensity to this dangerous vice. He will not fail, therefore, to set a due value on any plan which, without violating the principles to which he is attached, provides a proper cure for it. The instability, injustice, and confusion introduced into the public councils, have, in truth, been the mortal diseases under which popular governments have everywhere perished; as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics from which the adversaries to liberty derive their most specious declamations. The valuable improvements made by the American constitutions on the popular models, both ancient and modern, cannot certainly be too much admired; but it would be an unwarrantable partiality, to contend that they have as effectually obviated the danger on this side, as was wished and expected. Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens, equally the friends of public and private faith, and of public and personal liberty, that our governments are too unstable, that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties, and that measures are too often decided, not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party, but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. However anxiously we may wish that these complaints had no foundation, the evidence, of known facts will not permit us to deny that they are in some degree true. It will be found, indeed, on a candid review of our situation, that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operation of our governments; but it will be found, at the same time, that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes; and, particularly, for that prevailing and increasing distrust of public engagements, and alarm for private rights, which are echoed from one end of the continent to the other. These must be chiefly, if not wholly, effects of the unsteadiness and injustice with which a factious spirit has tainted our public administrations.

By a faction, I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adversed to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.

There are two methods of curing the mischiefs of faction: the one, by removing its causes; the other, by controlling its effects.

There are again two methods of removing the causes of faction: the one, by destroying the liberty which is essential to its existence; the other, by giving to every citizen the same opinions, the same passions, and the same interests.

It could never be more truly said than of the first remedy, that it was worse than the disease. Liberty is to faction what air is to fire, an aliment without which it instantly expires. But it could not be less folly to abolish liberty, which is essential to political life, because it nourishes faction, than it would be to wish the annihilation of air, which is essential to animal life, because it imparts to fire its destructive agency.

The second expedient is as impracticable as the first would be unwise. As long as the reason of man continues fallible, and he is at liberty to exercise it, different opinions will be formed. As long as the connection subsists between his reason and his self-love, his opinions and his passions will have a reciprocal influence on each other; and the former will be objects to which the latter will attach themselves. The diversity in the faculties of men, from which the rights of property originate, is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interests. The protection of these faculties is the first object of government. From the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property, the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately results; and from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors, ensues a division of the society into different interests and parties.

The latent causes of faction are thus sown in the nature of man; and we see them everywhere brought into different degrees of activity, according to the different circumstances of civil society. A zeal for different opinions concerning religion, concerning government, and many other points, as well of speculation as of practice; an attachment to different leaders ambitiously contending for pre-eminence and power; or to persons of other descriptions whose fortunes have been interesting to the human passions, have, in turn, divided mankind into parties, inflamed them with mutual animosity, and rendered them much more disposed to vex and oppress each other than to co-operate for their common good. So strong is this propensity of mankind to fall into mutual animosities, that where no substantial occasion presents itself, the most frivolous and fanciful distinctions have been sufficient to kindle their unfriendly passions and excite their most violent conflicts. But the most common and durable source of factions has been the various and unequal distribution of property. Those who hold and those who are without property have ever formed distinct interests in society. Those who are creditors, and those who are debtors, fall under a like discrimination. A landed interest, a manufacturing interest, a mercantile interest, a moneyed interest, with many lesser interests, grow up of necessity in civilized nations, and divide them into different classes, actuated by different sentiments and views. The regulation of these various and interfering interests forms the principal task of modern legislation, and involves the spirit of party and faction in the necessary and ordinary operations of the government.

No man is allowed to be a judge in his own cause, because his interest would certainly bias his judgment, and, not improbably, corrupt his integrity. With equal, nay with greater reason, a body of men are unfit to be both judges and parties at the same time; yet what are many of the most important acts of legislation, but so many judicial determinations, not indeed concerning the rights of single persons, but concerning the rights of large bodies of citizens? And what are the different classes of legislators but advocates and parties to the causes which they determine? Is a law proposed concerning private debts? It is a question to which the creditors are parties on one side and the debtors on the other. Justice ought to hold the balance between them. Yet the parties are, and must be, themselves the judges; and the most numerous party, or, in other words, the most powerful faction must be expected to prevail. Shall domestic manufactures be encouraged, and in what degree, by restrictions on foreign manufactures? are questions which would be differently decided by the landed and the manufacturing classes, and probably by neither with a sole regard to justice and the public good. The apportionment of taxes on the various descriptions of property is an act which seems to require the most exact impartiality; yet there is, perhaps, no legislative act in which greater opportunity and temptation are given to a predominant party to trample on the rules of justice. Every shilling with which they overburden the inferior number, is a shilling saved to their own pockets.

It is in vain to say that enlightened statesmen will be able to adjust these clashing interests, and render them all subservient to the public good. Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm. Nor, in many cases, can such an adjustment be made at all without taking into view indirect and remote considerations, which will rarely prevail over the immediate interest which one party may find in disregarding the rights of another or the good of the whole.

The inference to which we are brought is, that the causes of faction cannot be removed, and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its effects.

If a faction consists of less than a majority, relief is supplied by the republican principle, which enables the majority to defeat its sinister views by regular vote. It may clog the administration, it may convulse the society; but it will be unable to execute and mask its violence under the forms of the Constitution. When a majority is included in a faction, the form of popular government, on the other hand, enables it to sacrifice to its ruling passion or interest both the public good and the rights of other citizens. To secure the public good and private rights against the danger of such a faction, and at the same time to preserve the spirit and the form of popular government, is then the great object to which our inquiries are directed. Let me add that it is the great desideratum by which this form of government can be rescued from the opprobrium under which it has so long labored, and be recommended to the esteem and adoption of mankind.

By what means is this object attainable? Evidently by one of two only. Either the existence of the same passion or interest in a majority at the same time must be prevented, or the majority, having such coexistent passion or interest, must be rendered, by their number and local situation, unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression. If the impulse and the opportunity be suffered to coincide, we well know that neither moral nor religious motives can be relied on as an adequate control. They are not found to be such on the injustice and violence of individuals, and lose their efficacy in proportion to the number combined together, that is, in proportion as their efficacy becomes needful.

From this view of the subject it may be concluded that a pure democracy, by which I mean a society consisting of a small number of citizens, who assemble and administer the government in person, can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. A common passion or interest will, in almost every case, be felt by a majority of the whole; a communication and concert result from the form of government itself; and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party or an obnoxious individual. Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. Theoretic politicians, who have patronized this species of government, have erroneously supposed that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights, they would, at the same time, be perfectly equalized and assimilated in their possessions, their opinions, and their passions.

A republic, by which I mean a government in which the scheme of representation takes place, opens a different prospect, and promises the cure for which we are seeking. Let us examine the points in which it varies from pure democracy, and we shall comprehend both the nature of the cure and the efficacy which it must derive from the Union.

The two great points of difference between a democracy and a republic are: first, the delegation of the government, in the latter, to a small number of citizens elected by the rest; secondly, the greater number of citizens, and greater sphere of country, over which the latter may be extended.

The effect of the first difference is, on the one hand, to refine and enlarge the public views, by passing them through the medium of a chosen body of citizens, whose wisdom may best discern the true interest of their country, and whose patriotism and love of justice will be least likely to sacrifice it to temporary or partial considerations. Under such a regulation, it may well happen that the public voice, pronounced by the representatives of the people, will be more consonant to the public good than if pronounced by the people themselves, convened for the purpose. On the other hand, the effect may be inverted. Men of factious tempers, of local prejudices, or of sinister designs, may, by intrigue, by corruption, or by other means, first obtain the suffrages, and then betray the interests, of the people. The question resulting is, whether small or extensive republics are more favorable to the election of proper guardians of the public weal; and it is clearly decided in favor of the latter by two obvious considerations:

In the first place, it is to be remarked that, however small the republic may be, the representatives must be raised to a certain number, in order to guard against the cabals of a few; and that, however large it may be, they must be limited to a certain number, in order to guard against the confusion of a multitude. Hence, the number of representatives in the two cases not being in proportion to that of the two constituents, and being proportionally greater in the small republic, it follows that, if the proportion of fit characters be not less in the large than in the small republic, the former will present a greater option, and consequently a greater probability of a fit choice.

In the next place, as each representative will be chosen by a greater number of citizens in the large than in the small republic, it will be more difficult for unworthy candidates to practice with success the vicious arts by which elections are too often carried; and the suffrages of the people being more free, will be more likely to centre in men who possess the most attractive merit and the most diffusive and established characters.

It must be confessed that in this, as in most other cases, there is a mean, on both sides of which inconveniences will be found to lie. By enlarging too much the number of electors, you render the representatives too little acquainted with all their local circumstances and lesser interests; as by reducing it too much, you render him unduly attached to these, and too little fit to comprehend and pursue great and national objects. The federal Constitution forms a happy combination in this respect; the great and aggregate interests being referred to the national, the local and particular to the State legislatures.

The other point of difference is, the greater number of citizens and extent of territory which may be brought within the compass of republican than of democratic government; and it is this circumstance principally which renders factious combinations less to be dreaded in the former than in the latter. The smaller the society, the fewer probably will be the distinct parties and interests composing it; the fewer the distinct parties and interests, the more frequently will a majority be found of the same party; and the smaller the number of individuals composing a majority, and the smaller the compass within which they are placed, the more easily will they concert and execute their plans of oppression. Extend the sphere, and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens; or if such a common motive exists, it will be more difficult for all who feel it to discover their own strength, and to act in unison with each other. Besides other impediments, it may be remarked that, where there is a consciousness of unjust or dishonorable purposes, communication is always checked by distrust in proportion to the number whose concurrence is necessary.

Hence, it clearly appears, that the same advantage which a republic has over a democracy, in controlling the effects of faction, is enjoyed by a large over a small republic, -- is enjoyed by the Union over the States composing it. Does the advantage consist in the substitution of representatives whose enlightened views and virtuous sentiments render them superior to local prejudices and schemes of injustice? It will not be denied that the representation of the Union will be most likely to possess these requisite endowments. Does it consist in the greater security afforded by a greater variety of parties, against the event of any one party being able to outnumber and oppress the rest? In an equal degree does the increased variety of parties comprised within the Union, increase this security. Does it, in fine, consist in the greater obstacles opposed to the concert and accomplishment of the secret wishes of an unjust and interested majority? Here, again, the extent of the Union gives it the most palpable advantage.

The influence of factious leaders may kindle a flame within their particular States, but will be unable to spread a general conflagration through the other States. A religious sect may degenerate into a political faction in a part of the Confederacy; but the variety of sects dispersed over the entire face of it must secure the national councils against any danger from that source. A rage for paper money, for an abolition of debts, for an equal division of property, or for any other improper or wicked project, will be less apt to pervade the whole body of the Union than a particular member of it; in the same proportion as such a malady is more likely to taint a particular county or district, than an entire State.

In the extent and proper structure of the Union, therefore, we behold a republican remedy for the diseases most incident to republican government. And according to the degree of pleasure and pride we feel in being republicans, ought to be our zeal in cherishing the spirit and supporting the character of Federalists.

PUBLIUS

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Home Contents Previous Next Index

跟着老友记Friends学英语--(3)

Rachel以逃跑的新娘(runaway bride)形象出现在众人面前。就在自己的婚礼开始之前， Rachel逃离了婚礼现场，前来投奔她惟一认识的高中校友Monica。此时的Rachel没有工作,手头拮据。然而，找工作连遭失政的命运似乎并没有影响她购物的欲望。仰仗由父亲买单的信用卡， Rachel花钱依然大手大脚。大家都劝Rachel马上毁掉信用卡以便早日独立……

[Scene: Monica and Rachel's, everyone is sitting around the kitchen table. Rachel's credit cards are spread out on the table along with a pair of scissors.]

Rachel: Oh God, come on you guys, is this really necessary? I mean, I can stop charging anytime I want.

Monica: C'mon, you can't live off your parents your whole life.

Rachel: I know that. That's why I was getting married.

Phoebe: Give her a break, it's hard being on your own for the first time.

Rachel: Thank you.

一直依赖父母生活的Rachel并不想马上自立，为此Monica鼓励她把信用卡都毁掉以便独立：c'mon，you can’t live off your parents your whole life．(动手吧，你总不能靠父母一辈子呀。)美国人有强烈的独立精神。他们通常不仰仗个人的社会背景或家庭出身去获得成功。如果你靠pull some strings，也就是我们中国人所说的靠“走后门”来出人头地定会遭到多数美国人的鄙夷，因为他们坚信个人的学识(knowledge)、智慧(wisdom)、创造精神(creativity)以及良好的品性(moral character)才是成功必不可少的条件。

因此Monica他们一再鼓励Rachel跟信用卡说bye-bye。 C’mon是come on的缩略形式。曾经听一位在美国留学的同学抱怨说在那里说英语似乎总是比听懂英语容易。造成这个问题的主要原因是缩略形式在英语中的广泛运用。毫无准备的听者往往听不懂这些词，加上缩略语使得语速加快，理解英语便成了大难题。相信不懂缩略语的读者很难猜出这句话的意思：dy’ask’hr yet?其实这句话用标准英语表达很简单：Did you ask her yet?再比如：Dushi speak English?相当于：Does she speak English?。C’mon，不管是缩略语还是英语中的其他困难，只要你能keep your chin up (不灰心丧气)，Everything's gonna be fine．(一切都会好起来的。)

尽管大家再三给Rachel加油鼓劲，她仍然犹豫不决。这时Phoebe说道：Give her a break，it's hard being on your own for the first time．(别逼她了。你们第一次独立的时候不也费了好大的劲。)

break用作名词时会使很多人联想英语课堂上老师常说的一句话：Time is up．Let's have a break．意思是说：本堂课结束了，课间休息一下吧。break在此的意思为“课间休息”，“间歇，停顿”。比如说现在很多公司都给员工提供tea break(用茶休息时间)；电视台靠break for the commercial(插播商业广告的间歇)盈利；如果你work for 10 hours without a break before computers(不间断地在电脑前工作10小时)则对你的健康极为不利。然而如果照此意思来理

解give sb．a break就会大错特错。give sb．a break用于口语，其意思是“给某人一个机会；放某人一马；不难为某人”。作为老师每每考试之后都会听到学生说类似的话：老师帮帮忙让我过了吧，否则我就得重读二年级了。这句话用英文表达就是：Give me d break and pass me，or else I’ll have to be a sophomore again．但万事都不是绝对的，有时一句Give me a break!或Give me a break!则表示不相信别人胡诌乱编，相当于：得了吧!别拿我当傻子!收起你那套噱头!因此对英语语言的理解不能take everything for granted(把一切都想当然)，否则会让人笑掉大牙。

visiton音箱是美国的吗

visiton音箱是美国的。

美国Wisdom Audio（威士顿）是世界上赫赫有名的Hi-End音响生产商，由多位音响行业中的顶尖人才联手组建，具有强劲的产品开发能力。早年，Wisdom Audio以一对巨型Infinite Grande Hi-End级分体音箱而得到“喇叭之王”的美誉，因此成名。

美国圣路易斯华盛顿大学有哪些热门专业

　美国是一个留学大国，每年有众多留学生到美国求学。美国有诸多世界名校，圣路易斯华盛顿大学是其中之一。它有哪些本科专业呢?它的历史专业怎么样?和来看看吧!

　This is an exciting time to be studying history. The transition to the 21st century has prompted intense questioning about the past, the future, and the nature of change. Many old certainties and conventional wisdoms have been challenged, and America?s role in an increasingly complex and contentious world demands that we, as citizens, acquire the skills that will allow us to analyze and comprehend that world.

　这是个学习历史的兴奋时刻。过渡到21世纪，关于过去、未来、变化的本质的问题接踵而来。诸多古老确定的东西而传统智慧一起，受到了挑战，而美国在日益复杂且备受争议的世界中的角色要求我们，作为公民，掌握我们借以可以分析和理解那个世界的技能。

　This is precisely what the study of history?of human experience contextualized temporally, culturally, politically, and geographically?is designed to do. The History Department at Washington University offers you the opportunity to examine human experience across time and in a wide variety of cultural, political, regional, and social contexts. The curriculum is global in scope, and students are encouraged to sample courses across time and space while achieving depth of knowledge in selected areas.

　这正是历史研究的所在?学习人类的现世经验、文化经验、政治经验和地理学经验。华盛顿大学历史系为你提供从时间、文化、政治、区域、社会等角度考察人类经历的机会。历史系的课程范围涵盖全球，在让学生获得选定领域深度知识的同时，鼓励学生尝试各时空阶段的课程。

　Through the major in history, you also can develop important analytic skills used in law, business, communications, and other professions. These skills include the ability to organize and interpret data, to develop logical and convincing arguments, to do research and sift the significant from the insignificant, to read for comprehension, and to write with precision and clarity. Historians aim for a broad understanding of any problem and gain empathy for people in different times, places, and situations.

　通过历史专业的学习，你还可以培养重要的人分析技能，将它应用到法学、商务、传播和其他领域中。这些包括组织和诠释数据能力、逻辑辩论能力、研究和过滤无用信息能力、阅读理解能力和准确清晰写作能力。史学家的目标在于获得对任何问题的广泛理解，与各时段、各地方、各出境中的人们产生共鸣。

　 Program Requirements

　All University College undergraduate students must satisfy the same general-education requirements. Requirements specific to this major include:

　1.Introductory Courses (6 units)

　One introductory course chosen from:

　Western Civilization I (U16 101)

　Western Civilization II (U16 102)

　Introduction to U.S. History (U16 163)

　Introduction to World History (U16 164)

　America to Civil War (U16 209)

　American from the Civil War (U16 210)

　One additional introductory course, 100- or 200-level History course.

　课程要求

　所有大学学院本科生必须满足同样的一般教育要求。本专业的特殊要求包括：

　 1.导论课程(6个单元)

　必须从以下课程选择一门导论课程：《西方文明(1)》(U16 101)，《西方文明(2)》(U16 102)，《美国历史导论》(U16 163)，《世界历史导论》(U16 164)，《走入内战的美国》(U16 209)，《走出内战的美国》(U16 210)。

　另一门导论课为100或200级历史课。

　2.Advanced Level Courses

　At least 18 units of 300- or 400-level courses, to include:

　a.At least one course designated "premodern" and one course designated "modern."

　b.At least one course from three of the following geographical areas: Africa, East Asia, South Asia, Europe, Latin America, Middle East, the United States, or Transregional History.*

　 2.高级课程

　至少18个单元的300或400级课程。包括：

　A.至少学习一门指定的?前现代?课程和一门指定的?现代?课程。

　B. 至少学习一门关于以下地区中的三个地区的课程：非洲、东亚、南亚、欧洲、拉丁美洲、中东、美国、跨地域历史。

　* A transregional course includes more than one of the designated geographic areas. If a student chooses to count a transregional course towards the geographical requirement, at least one of the two other geographical areas must cover a region that is not included in the transregional course. For example, a student who has completed courses in U.S. and Latin American history could not count towards this requirement a transregional course that examines the comparative history of the U.S. and Latin America.

　跨地域课程包括两个及以上的指定地区。如果学生选择将跨地域课程算入地理要求，那么其他两个地域中至少要有一个不在跨地域课程涵盖的区域内。例如，学生已修完美国和拉丁美洲历史课程，就不能将这项要求计入考察对比美国和拉丁美洲历史的跨地域课程里。

　3.A capstone experience (Research Seminar)

　Research Seminars are upper-level, limited-enrollment courses that emphasize engagement with primary sources. Course assignments will feature texts and images from a variety of published and manuscript materials, and students will research and write a substantial paper over the course of the semester from independently selected and analyzed primary sources. All research seminars will be so designated in the course title.

　 3.顶石经历(研究研讨课)

　研究研讨课是高等级、有注册名额限制的课程，强调第一手来源。课程任务突出从各种出版物和手稿中摘取文本和图像，学生需要参考研究自己独立收集和分析的第一手材料，写作当前学期课程论文。所有研究研讨课都将在课程标题中如此指定。

　It is highly recommended that, before undertaking the Research Project, students enroll in one or more Research Seminars (which would, in this case, count towards the required 18 units of advanced level courses).

　在从事研究项目之前，学生最好先学习一门以上的研究研讨课(在这种情况下，研讨课计入高级课程要求的18个单元)。

　 Application Requirements

　Below is a list of requirements for an application to the History undergraduate degree at University College. Your application will be reviewed once all requirements are received.

　申请要求

　以下是申请大学学院历史本科学位的各项要求。一旦所有要求送达，你的申请就会被受理。

　1.Completed application form

　The application form for the History undergraduate degree is available online on the Apply page.

　 1.完整的申请表

　历史本科学位申请表在学校网站的Apply page(申请页面)上有。

　2.Official transcripts from all previous college work

　Contact the registrar at each previous college or university attended to request an official transcript. Official transcripts must be sent directly from the registrar to University College.

　 2.先前所有高中课程的官方成绩单

　联系你以前学校的登记员。官方成绩单直接从登记员那里发送到大学学院。

　3.Personal statement

　Tell us about yourself in a brief essay (about 250 words). Why are you applying to University College? What are your goals, both academic and professional? What do we need to know when considering your application.

　 3.个人陈述

　以短文(约250个单词)的形式介绍你自己。告诉我们你为什么要申请大学学院，你的学术目标和职业是什么，以及审核你的申请时我们应该知道些什么。

　4.TOEFL scores, if applicable

　If you are not a U.S. citizen, official TOEFL scores must be forwarded to University College. (Graduates of a U.S. university or college or Canada, Australia, and U.K. residents are exempt if they have earned a bachelor?s degree or a graduate degree from such college or university.)

　 4.托福成绩(如果适用)

　如果你不是美国公民，你需要向大学学院提供官方托福成绩。(美国、加拿大、澳大利亚、英国的学生，已经从学院或大学获得学士学位或毕业学位的，不需要再提供托福成绩。)

　5.$35 application fee

　Payment may be submitted by credit card online as part of your application, or via check or money order payable to Washington University in St. Louis. You may pay the fee by cash at the University College office.

　 5.35美元的申请费

　作为申请的一部分，申请费可以信用卡线上支付。也可以通过核实或汇票在圣路易斯华盛顿大学支付。你可以在大学学院办公室现金支付。

　 Minor in History (18 Units)

　1.Required Courses (6 units)

　One introductory course chosen from the following:

　Western Civilization I (U16 101)

　Western Civilization II (U16 102)

　Introduction to U.S. History (U16 163)

　Introduction to World History (U16 164)

　America to the Civil War (U16 209)

　America from the Civil War (U16 210)

　One additional introductory course chosen from any 100 or 200 History course.

　2.Elective Courses (12 units)

　12 units of 300 or 400 level History courses.

　历史副修科目(18个单元)

　 1.必修课程(6个单元)

　必须从以下课程选择一门导论课程：《西方文明(1)》(U16 101)，《西方文明(2)》(U16 102)，《美国历史导论》(U16 163)，《世界历史导论》(U16 164)，《走入内战的美国》(U16 209)，《走出内战的美国》(U16 210)。

　另一门导论课为100或200级历史课。

　 2.选修课程(12个单元)

　12个单元的300或400级历史课程。

今天关于“WISDOM美国留学费用”的讨论就到这里了。希望通过今天的讲解，您能对这个主题有更深入的理解。如果您有任何问题或需要进一步的信息，请随时告诉我。我将竭诚为您服务。

请添加微信号咨询：19071507959

在线报名

上一篇：uts留学费用_uts 学费

下一篇：一中留学费用